Gender Education And Immigration In The Pre State Of Israel

Gender, Education and Immigration in the Pre-state of Israel
Shoshana Bassin's Story By Dr. Lily Halpert Zamir
Like the "blind spot" in psychology, the Western feminist dialogue has overlooked a group of women from the first and second immigration waves from Yemen to Israel, who were among the pioneers of feminism in their society - though they could neither read nor write and had never heard of the term feminism. Between the years 1881-1914, they lived in Israel, side by side with the female landed gentry from the rural settlements, who had transposed their bourgeois lifestyles from Europe to Palestine, a group of women from Yemen who have been ignored by Western feminist discourse and have likewise been overlooked by the Israeli historiography, which has not accorded them the full attention they are worthy of.
This paper will focus on the symbiosis among Gender, Education and Immigration in the pre-state of Israel by offering a reading in the narrative of Shoshana Bassin1, as a case study - for the understanding of the life stories of those women, who had two major problems:
1- They were immigrants from Yemen, and the majority was poor and uneducated in European terms.
2- They lived in a society full of cultural differences, racist bias and sexism not only between Jews and Arabs but also between European Jews and "Oriental" Jews (the first group had seen the second group as uneducated and ignorant), Zionists and non Zionists, etc (Tagar, 1924)
See Shilo Margalit, Jewish Women in the Yishuv and Zionism, Gender Perspective s, Yad Ben Zvi Press, Jerusalem. 2001
Historical Background
The Yemenite immigrants arrived to Israel in two main waves: the first wave arrived to Jerusalem in the 1880s and in the 1890s. The second wave arrived in the agricultural colonies in the 1900s. (Druyan, 1981)
The Yemenite immigrants that arrived in Israel at the beginning of the 20th century, unlike those immigrants who have arrived from Europe, were not Zionists. They came to the Holy Land aspired by religious motives.2
The second3 wave of immigration from Europe in 1900-1914 was a Zionist immigration. Most of the 13,000 Jews that stayed in Israel, out of the 35,000 who had arrived, were Zionists. The cause of this wave of immigration was mainly the enormous immigration form Eastern Europe, which lead 35 million people to leave their home lands, among them were 1.5 million Jews, most of them immigrated to the U.S.A.4
The minority of this European wave of immigration, who arrived in Israel came to Jerusalem and Hebron. In 1909 they built Tel Aviv, in 1907 Segera, and Ailet Hashchar, in 1912 Deganya, the first Zionist-Socialist Kibutz5. The women in these settlements worked and shared with men the public life as well as other responsibilities6.
In Yemen, Jewish women from early childhood were taught all aspects of housework, as well as a wife's religious obligations that she will need in her later life. They were not taught to read and write, and were not sent to school. Before the age of twelve, they were engaged to be married, often to old men, and most of them were not able to choose their future husbands.
After the marriage, the bride moved to her mother in law's house, where she joined the pool of female workers at the lowest possible status. (Druyan, 1982)
Immigration did not mean to the Yemenite Jews a break with religion and old heritage, but a golden opportunity to go on with their customs in the Holy Land. 3
Nonetheless life in Israel was hard in those days. They lived in barns, cowsheds and huts for months and years . There was very little food, and many of them became ill. Child mortality reached high proportions (Druyan, 1981).
The reality in Israel became very different from what they expected. Whereas in Yemen women stayed at home, absent from public life, in the Old - New home land they had to be employed, since this was the only way the family could survived. The men had to face a new reality since employed women were gaining self confidence due to their income. The working women became socially sophisticated and could not live as their mothers did in Yemen. The new terms were hard to accept by the men, many of whom were unemloyed. Thus, family life was though to be in danger, in order to avoid men's loss of status in domestic life, in 1902 the Supreme Sepharadic Rabbinical Court in Jerusalem warned: "All Sepharadi7 and Ashkenazi8 heads of household (men!) are forbidden to employ Yemenite women as domsetics unless their husbands acquiesce "9.
The immigration to Israel has changed the domestic lives Yemenite Jews, and the leaders of these changes were the working women.
What is a feminst reading?
A feminist reading of a text is unique in its sensitivity to content that has social significance, with a focus on the feminine voice in the narrative. It should be pointed out that in Western culture, both writing and reading belonged to the man's world10. They were the ones to record history (his-story), spreading in their masculine voices the chronicles of mankind, although these must have been shared in equal measure by men and women alike11.
This paper focuses on the analysis of her-story, through the awareness to the feminine aspects of the historic narrative that is offered by Shoshana's story. A feminist reading is characterized by12:
1. The act of reading is formed by women. (Or men with strong awareness) (Poruh, 2001, Noading, 1994)
2. It focuses on the identification of the human voice as a whole, and the feminine voice in particular irrespective of the content of the text13.
3. Preference for interpersonal relations over cognitive abilities, due to the feminine therapeutic personality (Gilligan, 1999).
4. Socio-caring sensitivity and awareness.
We may therefore conclude that a feminist reading is a dialogue that a priori assumes the dynamics of the individual, his or her place and role within the community, with sensitivity to human life and hardship, through feminine empathy.
One should bear in mind that the cardinal historical research, which was held by men - dismissed outright, or, to use a milder term, overlooked the feminist narratives, since the men's main theme was war and conquest.14
This paper focuses on the analysis of her-story, through the awareness to the feminine aspects of the historic narrative that is offered by Shoshana's story.
Shoshana's Story - a Feminist Reading
This is how Shoshana relates her life's history while already living in Kefar Yehezkel:
I was borne in a village called Raz in the province of Sa'ada' in 1901. Most of the inhabitants of the village were Arabs, whereas the Jews numbered approximately two dozens. My father was a jeweler and silversmith; the women would weave baskets using the papyrus reeds that grew by the river. We lived in a big house together with my father's parents. We came to Palestine in 1909. We had relatives in Israel, who had arrived 100 years earlier and lived in Jerusalem, and we were in contact with them. My father decided to immigrate to Eretz Israel and even encouraged others to follow him. He thus managed to organize a group of 120 families, all from the Sa'ada region. We traveled in camel caravans for six weeks until we reached the port of Aden. We then spent another six weeks crossing the wadi. Then we boarded a coal ship and arrived in Jaffa. My mother had been orphaned as a very young girl and grew up in her uncle's house. She married at 9 and had lived with her husband for six years, but she bore him no children. She divorced him and went back to her uncle's house, where she met my father, who had been engaged to her stepsister. My mother was a very attractive young lady, so my father left his fiancee and married my mother.
The boat we boarded sailed slowly and stopped at many ports. It even broke down at some point, but after long and wearying travails we finally set anchor at the coast of Jaffa. There we were welcomed by Sprinzak on behalf of the Jewish Agency, and were brought to Rehovot. They set up huts made of straw mats in the forest. We arrived in the middle of summer. My father worked in the cotton fields, picking and weaving. My mother worked at the farmers' house, mainly in washing the laundry. Soon after our arrival, my brother Shalom was born, and while my mother was at work, I was assigned to watch over him. He died at 3 months, and after that I, too, went to work. I was 5 then. My job was to take care of a baby, which meant mainly to rock its cradle. The lady of the house also taught me how to clean the house. But when I failed to please her, she would beat me.
To make it possible for me to wash the dishes, she would put one box on top of another so that I could reach the sink. My reward was a meager meal. Whenever the child I was in charge of would cry, my landlady, who could not bear its crying, would hasten to send me off for a walk with the child. I rather enjoyed that, so to make that happen more often, I would play tricks and pinch the child secretly. It would immediately start crying, and we would be off for our stroll. That went well enough until I was caught once, and dismissed with disgrace. My parents spanked me hard. Meanwhile, I had earned a bad reputation and no one would engage me for work. I was miserable. Once I sat on the steps of the kindergarten, and the teachers Hannah Weissman-Vadondikov and Shoshana Blovstein (the sister of the well-known Hebrew poetess Rachel) spotted me and invited me inside. They paid for my tuition as well as for the food I ate at the kindergarten, and even bought me a schoolbag.
I thus had the good fortune to spend a year at kindergarten. That was the only year in my life in which I would study in any institution. The kindergarten teachers treated me like the apple of their eyes."15
Comments to Shoshana S Story
If we stop for a moment to examine this part of Shoshana's narrative, that of a grown woman recalling the events of her early life in the first person and in a simple, minor tone, we can observe the following:
1. Despite the biographical recollection in the first person, Shoshana focuses on the personages around her, according significant weight to the life stories of the others: her father, her mother, and the family dynamics.
2. This is done not in order to provide the background, but through a feminine awareness and attentiveness to the others. This trait characterizes the feminine voice as a narrator, and typifies the feminist reading, which examines the tale.
3. Shoshana's consciousness of the surroundings is typical of women both as writers and as readers. My choice of this text, as a woman reading another woman, is therefore not coincidental.(Lieblich, 1998)
4. It should be remembered that up to this point, the girl whose story is related is 5 years old, but she nonetheless manifests the typical stereotypic behavior of a woman through her manipulations with the baby under her care. Her wisdom on the one hand, and her initiative (though a negative one in this instance) on the other hand characterize the manipulative nature of the weaker16. Clearly a 5-year old who is forced to work as a servant is extremely weak and vulnerable.
5. Itis interesting to note that little Shoshana's salvation came from women, the Ashkenazi17 kindergarten teachers who had given her love, food, education, and even a schoolbag. Unfortunately, though, that joy lasted only one year.
6. It is both interesting and important to observe the social picture that emerges from this narrative: The educated women were Ashkenazi, whereas the uneducated women were Spharadi.
7. The compassionate care, support, and love came from women. In other words, solidarity and empathy are characterized in this story as feminine traits par excellence.
8. Shoshana's dealing with her physical and emotional anguish, and with her failure, is stereotypically feminine: She takes the blame upon herself.
This is a strikingly feminine point, this shouldering of the blame, even when we are not responsible for the situation to begin with (Gilligan, 1999).
One should bear in mind the fact that Shoshana's recollection omits any mention of motherly protective qualities in connection with her nuclear family, which she exposes later on in her story. All we know of them in terms of their relationship with the child is that they turn her into a slave (it subsequently transpires that it was the father's initiative, with the mother too weak to openly object), and that they beat her almost to death when she was dismissed by her employer.
Because of the father's view of things (to which she relates later), she didn't get any education (apart from that year of grace at kindergarten), and has been regarded instead as a beast of labor. Yet we should bear in mind that most of female children of Yemenite immigrants in those days were worked like beasts and had no chance to get proper education, unlike their sons, who had the chance to get some basic education18. The children of European immigrants went to school mostly without gender differences.
The absence of Shoshana's mother from this tale is puzzling, indicating her difficult predicament within the family setup - a situation which Shoshana will address further on, once her own personal situation improves a bit and has allowed her to see her mother's distress. For now, though, seeing the world from the wounded eyes of the child Shoshana, there is no room for anyone else's agony except her own.
Historical and Social Comments
Other significant points in the social structure of the Jewish settlement at that time are:
• Sprinzak, the Jewish Agency activist, is an Ashkenazi Jew, an immigrant from Europe, and as we can see from the text, he had a good job. Thus we may learn about the cultural, educational and economical differences that have existed among European Jews and Oriental Jews in Israel at that time.
• The kindergarten teachers are likewise Ashkenazi, which shows that the European women were sufficiently educated.
• The dwelling designated for the new immigrants (mostly for Oriental Jews) is wretched and unfit for human residence.
• There is absolutely no supervision over children, thus their education depended on their parents' income and good will. Most of the European children went to school and some of the Oriental boys went to school, yet the Oriental-Sepharadi girls had very little chance for any schooling at all.
• Child labor is tolerated. It should be remembered that at that time, both women and children served as legitimate servants if they had the misfortune to come from a poor family.
Within the hierarchy of the "old settlement"19, there was a clear division of roles: The women were nurses, kindergarten or school teachers; or as Noddings has written "caring and raring have always been feminine areas"20, and the men were activists.
The veteran family members who had lived in Eretz Israel for the past 100 years, as Shoshana points out, has never been mentioned as interceding in behalf of their newly-arrived relatives who were experiencing difficulties. In other words, the second Yemenite immigration was malfunctioned not only on the part of the establishment, but also from the human side - that of the family. No one lent a hand.
Back to Shoshana's Story
Shoshana continues:
"One day, my father was asked by Wilensky to work as herdsman in Ben Shemen, and also to be employed as a ritual slaughterer… One day, Priman (Rachel Priman's father) noticed our poor condition, and thanks to his good care we were moved to a better home: the cellar of the workers' communal kitchen. There we lived for the next five or six years, during which I was a shepherdess. Every morning at 4 my father would accompany me with the herd far from the settlement to the valley near the hills. There I would remain, alone, with the herd until 10 a.m. I was 11 years old, and Arab shepherds also led their herds to graze in that valley. At 10 I would return to the farm, and from then on I was employed by the locals, doing housework. My father received my wages. My mother worked in the laborers' kitchen. Three years later, the pen was liquidated, so I worked in the farm as a laborer. I worked at least as hard as the men, but as a girl I was paid half. I did a lot of things: I baked 30 kg of flour every day - there was no kneading machine. I was the machine…"
Comments on the Narrative
Let us not forget that as a shepherdess, she is actually working instead of her father, as he was the one who was summoned to Ben Shemen to be the herdsman, and that he, moreover, picks up her pay! In simple words, the slave driver is a man, and not just any man, but her own father! The text likewise highlights the awful enslavement of a child to her father on the one hand, and the resounding silence of the mother on the other hand. The fact that the mother kept mum signifies the absence of the adult female voice in that family. The mother's voice had been silenced, and it seems that the mother's presence is manifested by her absence (although clearly, in retrospect, we know that this was no voluntary absence; she was simply driven to disappearance). The only piece of information Shoshana provides so far is that her mother "worked in the laborers' kitchen." This terrifying code of silence - that of the mother and that of Shoshana the mature woman - in describing the mechanism of their enslavement by the father seems to indicate passivity and acceptance of fate. And that fate was shared by many Yemenite women at that time21.
Feminism, Freedom andKnowledge= Gender and Education
"Tiomkin was the teacher at Ben Shemen, and I helped his wife with the house chores after work, in return for which she taught me to read and write. I did this conspiratorially, because my father objected to my studying. Whenever he would catch me with a book and a notepad, I was doomed. I would be walloped and the book and pad would be destroyed. Yet I did not give up; I carried on studying."
The fight for learning is intrinsically a feminist struggle22, as Shoshana, like the mothers of feminism all over the world, grew to realize that knowledge is power. Her father knew that too, which is why he tried to prevent her from acquiring it. In this battle there is also the covenant among women: Shoshana and the teacher's wife, two women helping and supporting each other, sharing knowledge.
Notice that the cooperation, involves the girl - she was, after all, only a child - and the Ashkenazi wife of the teacher, who represents the wealthy and educated. She proves the basic assumption in radical feminism that the primal connection among women, irrespective of religion, race, or nationality, is the bond of the womb, which is why women tend to cooperate and communicate with one another23.
The Continuance of Shoshana's Story -a Feminist Reading
"When I was13 years old, my father betrothed me to an older, wealthy man from Tel Aviv. I was engaged for three years, but I kept putting the wedding day off through a variety of pretexts. Meanwhile, I was helping my father. I would go out with him at 2 o'clock in the morning to Lod: my father on the donkey, I barefooted, struggling to catch up… At 8 o'clock I would already be back in Ben Shemen, to start my full day of work at the farm."
Simone de Beauvoir depicts the woman as the "other" (The Second Sex, 1942), but here she is described as even lower than the beast, the donkey. She ran barefooted after her father, and later was dispatched to her day job at the ranch as though nothing had happened. She was, after all, only 13! Also, bear in mind that at the same time, her brother Shlomo leads a normal childhood, is given the traditional form of education, and is then sent off to school because "he is a son. one should invest in one's sons; they are the future, the honor of the family, they will carry the family name into the next generation…"24
Bracha's Story-Sharing "a woman's fate"
Based on in-depth interviews25 I had conducted with 30 older Yemenite women, it appears that this was generally the attitude toward women.
Bracha, was born in 1940, arrived to Israel in the "Magic Carpet"26 campaign. She recalls:
"We were 15 children: 4 boys and 11 girls. The girls were not allowed to go to school. My father always said: Why should I pay for you to become some other man's property?
So we went to work. All of us girls worked in household jobs in homes in Netanya. Mother wanted us to learn how to read so we could pray. I came to the ladies' homes after school. The lady would wait for me, literally, outside the school gate. This went on until the 3rd grade and only up to the 2nd grade for my older sister. One sister alone made it to 5th grade. We all cleaned houses. Father took the money…. Then, at the age of 15 I got married and we had a farm. My husband would harness me to the plough because the mules were sick. When the children were born, I was ashamed of not being able to read well, so I went to Tehila27. After work I went to study. Now I have grandchildren, thank God, I read them stories. Every day before work (still in cleaning), I hold my prayers for about an hour. In the evening, too, I read the Psalms. It calms me. All my children went to school. I would not accept any discrimination. Once, my husband tried to beat me, so I picked up a shoe and beat him back. This is not Yemen: I clean up toilets. I have a right to my own money. At the end he gave in, and two of my daughters are teachers. One granddaughter is a student in the university."
Shoshana, Bracha, as well as many other women, did not rebel because of the hard labor, but for the intellectual inequity.
The wish for intellectual equality and equity is a clear feminist statement, although we are talking about women whose lexicon did not include these terms and were not interested in this terminology. They fought for the substance, not for theories or semantics!
The Strength of Sisterhood
Later Shoshana recalls her social isolation: "I took no part in the social life: either in the meetings or in the lectures. My father would not let me." But isolation was short-lived. Shoshana quickly spotted her companions who shared the same fate:
"For a while, Esther Raab worked as a teacher at Ben Shemen, and Rivka Kalir was a kindergarten teacher. I worked at the kindergarten in cleaning. Esther would lend me easy books to read, which I would read inconspicuously. Rivka invited me to her room and taught me how to read without the points (which indicate the vowels in Hebrew). She encouraged me and urged me to be patient so that I could make progress quickly." The sisterhood of women, their assistance and support empowers Shoshana, making her more alert to her own distress and capable of pointing out the person responsible for them. As she put it, "my father was master of the house".
Shoshana's integration in the Ashkenazi world and her friendship with the children of the Priman's, offered her mental stamina: no more isolation and alienation. Her own recollection of blossoming into youth and young womanhood and her interaction with the learning Zionist community demonstrate how women's empowerment - in contrast to men's power - is a movement within the bond. Human ties that are founded on supporters and supported are at the core of this movement. With her growing empowerment, Shoshana is more conscious of her mother's suffering:
"My mother's life was unbearable. All her life she toiled and labored, and yet was not given half a chance to open her mouth and express her own opinion. My father furthermore wanted to marry a second wife (a common practice among Yemenite Jews28). Then I, as a child, noticing my mother's anguish, approached people who had an influence on him. They threatened him, saying that if he did that, he would be discharged from the Zionist Administration. My father fought hard against that ruling, but in the end he gave in."
Here Shoshana shows that not only she'd sympathized with her mother's pain, but that she also tried to help her. This is a manifestation and clear implementation of her personal empowerment.
Shoshana's feminism was that of the peasant: her actions were firm, striving toward self-empowerment and a severance of links to the dominant patriarchal world (as in the form of her father and the other Yemenite men who cooperated with him), which ultimately lead to equality in education and in employment. Shoshana was supported and assisted by other women, who helped her gain education and thus empowered her. She has taken that empowerment one step further by helping other women: First her mother, then, other Yemenite immigrants who have arrived on the Magic Carpet whom she helped integrate into the local society.
In other words, this is an obvious movement within the bond, which is characteristic of female empowerment, as well as a purely feminist mode of operation - though without the Western feminist terminology29.
Some may argue with me that feminism without the awareness or the terminology is not possible, yet I believe that deeds are stronger than any words, and that in our case we indisputably have an independent, strong woman, who pursues her own path toward freedom and self-fulfillment, which are at the heart and core of modern feminism, through an overt rebellion and di sengagement from the oppressive patriarchy.
Shoshana's Victory as a Feminist Symbol
In 1918, a young man called Kalman (an Ashkenazi) arrived to Ben Shemen, and Shoshana admits that "We immediately got into a relationship. One day Kalman told my father that he liked me and wanted to marry me. that happened after a word had gotten to my father: 'your daughter shuns Yemenites and is going out with Ashkenazi boys.' My father told my mother, and when I came home he walloped me.. My mother warned me of his wrath. After three days of illness, I told her that I have decided to run away from home, otherwise my father could turn me into an invalid for the rest of my life."
Shoshana's romance with Kalman infuriated her father, who opposed the marriage to the Ashkenazi boy and beat her mercilessly up until her wedding day.
Ultimately, Kalman and Shoshana decided to get married and, despite everything, they delivered an announcement to her father, informing him that they had decided to wed and are inviting him to the ceremony. "But on my wedding night, my father called some male members of our family and they all sat Shiv'a30 over me." Shoshana and Kalman settled in Kefar Yehezkel, where their children were born. Shoshana continued to study and work, and has become a key figure in the integration of the large wave of new immigrants who arrived in Israel on the Magic Carpet.
Shoshana triumphed. She overcame her destiny as a member of a Yemenite family. She conquered the traditional customs of her congregation, just as she won the battle against her father's obtuseness and domination.
The feminine companionship, the cooperation, the mutual help, the support, and the empathy she was accorded from her fellow female friends, empowered her to the point where she was able to disengage from the oppressive father figure and take her destiny into her own hands. It would appear as though Shoshana in fact beat her own historiography, when her story was eternalized in the book "People of the Second Aliyah" as well as by Druyan and others. Her voice was heard; she was strong enough to let it resound; but the voices of many other women, whether Yemenite, Oriental, or Ashkenazi are still not heard. A feminist reading in the history of the State of Israel might liberate them from the silence forced upon them and accord them their rightful place.

Conclusion
This story should be viewed as a case study for the biographies of many Yemenite women who were concealed in the "chronicles of the Jewish settlement movement" without any special reference to the unique nature of their story and deeds. It is important to remember that historiography has not smiled upon women in general and Oriental women in particular. If it dealt with women at all, that was usually done parenthetically, with emphasis on the piquant images. For example, the poetess Rachel31 is mentioned as a romantic poet, stricken by consumption, a childless woman, and the lover of the married Shazar (Israel's 3rd president). A fact that is less frequently referred to is that she was a Sorbonne graduate of agronomy. The historiography of the Jewish settlement movement in Israel was written by men, for men, telling the history of men. Thus, it comes as no surprise that women as a whole, especially Oriental women, were absent from their historic discourse. Shoshana Bassin's story and the acceptance of the feminist reading offered by her narrative manages to salvage from historiographical oblivion an historical chapter connecting among gender, education and immigration in the pre-state of Israel.
1 See Shilo Margalit, Jewish Women in the Yishuv and Zionism, Gender Perspective s, Yad Ben Zvi Press, Jerusalem. 2001
2 See Seri Shalom (ed) Fly Pigeon, Tel Aviv, 1983
3 Tamir Nachman, (ed) The Second Aliyah, Tel Aviv, 1971
4 Tagar, Hannah, Pioneers in Palsestine, New York, 1924, pp38-50
5 ibid, pp 7-14, the term Kibutz means an agricultural settlement based on communal work.
6 Lionel Tiger & Joseph Shepher, Women in the Kibutz, New York, 1975, pp12-23
7 Sepharadi Jews – term in Hebrew for Oriental Jews, see in Even Shoshan (ed.) Hebrew Dictionary,1965, p1111
8 Ibid, p 92, Ashkenazi Jews- term in Hebrew for Jews who came from Europe, though there are in Europe Spharadi too, in Spain ,Italy, Balkans, etc, who had arrived in 1492, after the Spanish Deportation .
9 Ratzabi Yehuda, Yemenite Jews , The Jewish National University press, 1976, pp326-7; Druyan Nitza, Yemenite Settlement in Israel, Bar Ilan university press, 1981, pp29-35
10 Porush Iris, Reading Women, Am Oved Tel Aviv, pp 6-10
11 ibid, pp15-16, Simon de Beauvoir, Le deuxiem Sexe, Gallimard, 1949, pp23-49
12 Supra note, 9
13 See for example the reading of women in a Talmudic text, Kalderon, 2002, or reading in the Bible, in the book of Genesis, Pardes, 1997; Rabitzki, 2000
14 Tamir Nachman (ed) The Second Aliyah, Tel Aviv, 1971 pp 45-61
15 Tamir, Nachman, People of the Second Aliyah, volume 3, published by the General Histadrut, Tel Aviv, 1971, pp167-8 as well as in Sarah Azryahu, The Union of Hebrew Women for Equal Rights in Eretz Israel, Haifa, 1980, p75
16 De Beauvior Simon, Le Deuxieme Sexe, Gallimard, Paris, 1942, p56
17 Ashkenazi – Supra note 8
18 Druyan Nitza: Without a Magic Carpet, Jerusalem, Ben Zvi, 1982. chapter 1-2
19 The old settlement were those who had arrived in first wave of immigration see Seri Shalom, Flay Pigeon (1983); Tobi Josef, The Jews of Yemen in Modern Times,(1984); Ratzabi, Yehuda , Yemenite Jews (1976)
20 Noddings, Nel, The Challenge to Care in Schools, New York Teacher College, (2001) p36
20 See in memoirs quoted in Feldman, The Yemenite Jews, London, 1913 ; Druyan Nitza, Without a Magic Carpet, 1982
22 See in Porush Iris, Reading Women, Am Oved ,2001 pp26-38, Lahav Pnina, When The Palliativve only Spoils. In Zmanim, 47, Tel Aviv University press, 1993 pp149-160
23 Barbara Swirski, Israeli Feminism New And Old, New York,1991, chapter, 5
24 Supra note 9, at pp170-172
25 See the term in Nama Tzabar, Traditions in Qualitative Research, Dvir, 2000, pp141-165; Carol Mckinney, Globe Trotting in Sandals, Sil international, 2000, chapter 1, where the term is used as "Emic- Perspective".
26 The Magic Carpet, the name given to the big Yemenite immigration that arrived to Israel in 1949.
27 Tehila – Adult education program in Israel for women.
28 Druyan Nitza Without A Magic Carpet, Jerusalem 1982; Tobi, Josef The Jews of Yemen in Modern Times, Israel, 1984 ; Ratzabi, Yemenite Jews, 1976, and others.
29 Gilligan Carol, In a Different Voice, Harvard University press, 1982 ; Levinson The Seasons of a Woman's Life, New York, 1994 pp 60-71
30 Shiva - the traditional seven days of mourning over immediate family members in Judaism.
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Tagar Hannah, Pioneers in Palestine, New York, 1924
Tobi, Yosef (ed.) The Jews of Yemen in Modern Times, 1984, The Historical Society of Israel *About Shoshana Basin.
Dr. Lily Halpert Zamir, head of the department of Adult education and director of the Center for Women and Gender Studies in David Yellil College in Jerusalem, was born in Eastern Europe in 1956. Dr. Zamir has also lectured on literature and the Holocaust and on the fate of Jewish women in the Holocaust at Yad Vashem, as well as in different conference in Jerusalem, Canada, U.S.A and Europe. In 1997 she founded the Center for Women's Studies at the David Yellin Teachers College. Her publications also reflect her range of interests. They include two collections of poetry (in Hebrew), a textbook on English grammar, and an interdisciplinary guide on the Holocaust for teachers, as well as a book abut Danilo Kis, translated by Ana Shomlo, and 23 papers about the Holocaust, such as: Teaching the Holocaust thruogh Family Stories (2000) The Song of Songs in Auschwitz (2002) and papers with a femimist hint like The Special Fate of Women in the Holocaust (1999) Femimism And Peace (2001) etc. Major Book Publications:
Prose:
Between History and Fiction, in The Holocaust of German Jews, Moreshet, 2009
Between History and Fiction, in The Holocaust of
Yugoslavian Jews, Yad Vashem, 2001
Danilo Kis, Jedna mracna odiseja, translated by Ana Shomlo, (into Serbian) Ateneum, 2000.
Between History and Fiction, The Narrative Work of
Danilo Kis, Hebrew university. 1992
History and Fiction, in The Holocaust, Yad Vashem, 1998
Poetry, in Hebrew:
Yesterday As a Mistake, Alef, 1986 Yellow, Eked, 1987
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